Marco Vicenzino represents a new generation of independent foreign policy thinkers that combines successful international private sector experience with profound insight into contemporary geo-politics to produce an informed global strategic perspective on issues, events and developments that drive world affairs in the 21st century. As a graduate of Oxford University and Georgetown University Law Center, Vicenzino has constantly distinguished himself through his ability to master and inter-connect a wide range of international topics and speak authoritatively on diverse media outlets around the world.
Vicenzino has provided commentary on CNN, BBC, NBC Nightly News, Fox, Al Jazeera, National Public Radio and many others. His writings and views have appeared in leading publications/websites including the New York Time- International Herald Tribune, Financial Times, U.S. News & World Report, Le Figaro, El Pais, Daily Star, Al Hayat, South China Morning Post and many others.
Vicenzino is a regular guest speaker, panelist, panel moderator and participant at international conferences, forums and institutes around the world. His public-speaking engagements on topics of global concern have included appearances in Europe, the Middle East, Asia and the Americas. He also regularly hosts public and private high-level gatherings and roundtables.
As part of the State Department’s Strategic Speakers Initiative, Vicenzino is regularly called upon by the State Department to speak on world affairs in different countries around the world. One State Department official recently referred to a series of speeches given by Vicenzino in Europe about U.S. foreign policy and Afghanistan as “a complete success”. Vicenzino is also a guest speaker for the
Young Presidents’ Organization (YPO), an international organization of company presidents from around the world. Vicenzino’s appearances in the US include the Department of Defense, US Naval Academy at Annapolis, World Bank, Council on Foreign Relations, Columbia University, Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, Northwestern’s Graduate School of Journalism and other venues. He has also been called upon to testify before the Permanent Council of Organization of American States.
Vicenzino is director of the
Global Strategy Project and senior advisor to PFC Energy and Quantum Financial Advisors. He is also a fellow of the
Foreign Policy Association and strategic advisor to the
Afghanistan World Foundation. Vicenzino served as strategic communications consultant to the World Bank and Deputy Executive Director for the Washington, DC office of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS-US).
As an attorney admitted to the New York Bar, Mr. Vicenzino focused on international business transactions and government relations and taught International Law at the School of International Studies at American University in Washington, DC. As a business entrepreneur, Mr. Vicenzino served as founding member, general counsel and head of business development of the MapNetwork, an international technology enterprise, which is today owned by Nokia. As a social entrepreneur, Mr. Vicenzino has dedicated extensive time and efforts as an advocate and activist for humanitarian causes, particularly for the plight of Afghanistan. He continues to serve as an advisor to corporations and non-profits seeking expansion and opportunities in the U.S and overseas.
Vicenzino’s professional associations have included Term Membership of the Council on Foreign Relations, National Press Club, French-American Foundation, Atlantik Brucke, US-Spain Council, BMW Foundation, German Marshall Fund, Aspen Institute's Socrates Society, Aspen Berlin, Aspen Italia and the German Council on Foreign Relations. His languages include Spanish, Italian and Portuguese and he provides regular commentary in these respective languages.
Despite the diplomatically cordial meeting between the US and Chinese leaders and China’s likely decision to modify its currency, political pressure in Congress, and other quarters, for a more aggressive China policy is mounting. Beyond currency manipulation, various other issues continue to generate fierce debate on the increasingly complex and troubled U.S.-China relationship.
Emerging strengthened from the global recession with greater international leverage, China’s rhetoric grew increasingly hostile and unnecessarily provocative. It has seriously risked overplaying its hand. It threatens to destabilize much of Asia, already wary of rapid Chinese growth, and undermine volatile bilateral relations with the U.S. Furthermore, such rhetoric can only fuel greater uncertainty in a fragile world struggling to recover from economic turbulence.
Since the U.S. extended full diplomatic recognition to mainland China in 1979, certain rules of engagement prevailed. It was understood that Taiwan would not declare independence, the mainland would not invade, and the U.S. would provide for Taiwan’s security, as required by U.S. law. Unification would take place by mutual consent at an undetermined future date. Furthermore, U.S. presidents regularly met with the Dalai Lama since 1991 expressing support for Tibetans’ cultural and religious freedoms but not an independent Tibet.
With greater self-confidence, or rather over-confidence, China has been challenging these traditional standard operating procedures. This was clearly on display when President Barack Obama recently met the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual leader. The customary Chinese reaction of disapproval was replaced by a rhetorically aggressive overreaction. In addition, the usual sale of largely defensive weapons to Taiwan was met with unusually harsher threats.
President Obama must firmly stand his ground. Failure to do so will only embolden the Chinese to defy and strong-arm others. Caving in will only make the Asia-Pacific region, and wider world, a less safe place.
There is a fundamental need for continuous engagement, improving dialogue, avoiding animosity and developing greater collective initiatives. President Obama’s threat of sanctions in late 2009 over tires for political gain with his trade union constituents unnecessarily risked triggering a trade war. On the other hand, direct Chinese threats against American interests, including Boeing over the Taiwan issue, are simply counterproductive and must not be tolerated. Both sides must avert confrontation due to the catastrophic consequences for all.
In either public or private, China will not take orders from the U.S. or anyone else. Not only did Obama’s rhetorical magic not work in China, he received a public dressing down by Chinese officials. It was simply a reminder of new global realities. Ultimately, no one will tame China. It must tame itself, for its own benefit and interest and for the sake of international stability. However, others must not stand by idly. Collective influence must be exerted when necessary. China must not be diplomatically spared on the Iran nuclear issue. Mounting multilateral pressure must continue. Should greater Russian support for sanctions materialize, China risks being isolated among the U.N. Security Council’s Permanent Five.
A paradoxical dualism emerges in Chinese rhetoric. On the one hand, its officials sulk in reminding others that China is still a poor nation struggling to develop. On the other hand, its eagerness to throw its weight around exudes Soviet-era bravado.
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