Politics

A ‘Lizard King’ Weekend

Anonymous "Former White House Staffer"
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Editor’s note: These are excepts from the new e-book “The Lizard King: The Shocking Inside Account of Obama’s True Intergalactic Ambitions By An Anonymous White House Staffer,” edited and introduced by Daily Caller writers Jamie Weinstein and Will Rahn. Buy it here now

Foreword

In the pages ahead you will find an unsolicited manuscript we received in the mail at the offices of the Daily Caller. The envelope indicated it had been mailed from Thailand. When we opened it, we found a leather-bound book with a note attached. The note was from a man who claimed to be a former Obama administration official who left Team Obama during its first year in office. The note asked us to publish the contents of the book so the world would know the truth about the president. We do so in the pages ahead, which have only been moderately edited to excise the long, graphic, and detailed sex scenes, which to our surprise were the least plausible aspects of the author’s manuscript.

We did our best to verify as much as we could. What we know is that the author was indeed a high-ranking member of the Obama administration who left suddenly under suspicious circumstances. As for the rest, it’s largely unverifiable unless others in the administration talk, which so far they haven’t. We leave it up to you to decide whether you are reading fact or fiction.

Sincerely,
Will Rahn and Jamie Weinstein

…..

Chapter 1: My Name is What? 

I was a senior official working in President Obama’s administration during its first ten months and am a die-hard liberal. While working at the White House, I was with the president often, if not constantly.

This is not idle talk. I saw the president almost every day, and I often spent much of the day with his senior staff. We did everything but sleep together—and at the beginning of the administration I would have been open to that. I said I was a liberal, right?

In a nutshell, few have seen how this administration operates the way I have. I know its inner secrets. I know the president’s idiosyncrasies. I know it all.

But I won’t be voting for the president this fall — and you shouldn’t, either.

In order to understand where I am, you have to understand where I’ve been. When I say I am a liberal, I mean it. I’m a liberal’s liberal. I connect with the liberal wing of the Democratic Party. I like arugula. I feel comfortable at gay weddings. I used to drive a Prius. I even think Chris Hayes is smart and incisive. So I’m not someone who naturally finds himself participating in a project that will benefit the Republican Party.

At the University of Chicago, I was your typical privileged college progressive. I joined all the progressive campus groups: Kyoto Now!, College Democrats, Black Students United, Hermaphrodites are People Too, Black Hermaphrodites United, Straight Friends of Lesbians and Gays (SFLG), which later be came Straight Friends of Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals (SFLGB), which later became Straight Friends of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals and Transgenders (SFLGBT), which finally (I think) transformed into Straight Friends of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders and Questioning (SFLGBTQ).

But beyond my campus activism, I actively involved myself in the campaigns of local Democratic politicians. That’s how I first encountered David Axelrod.

While I was in college in 2002, there was a contentious Democratic primary for a seat on the Chicago City Council. Axelrod didn’t usually work on such low-level races, but his candidate was a young hotshot Hispanic star who he had high hopes could one day become mayor of Chicago. I worked on the campaign of the incumbent.

I soon came to Axelrod’s attention when I ended his candidate’s prospects. Working on the campaign, I quickly discovered that I had a talent for the dark side of politics, the muckraking opposition research that can not only destroy a candidate, but potentially destroy a man.

And so I destroyed Axelrod’s shining star. In order to do so, I went to the streets. I talked my way into several gangs in Chicago’s Lower West Side and ultimately discovered that Axelrod’s candidate had for a short time been part of one particularly infamous drug gang in the city.

It was actually a sad story. At fourteen, Axelrod’s candidate’s father abandoned the family. The young future candidate took it upon himself to find a way to support his mother and siblings. He thought he could do it by joining a gang intimately tied to an infamous and brutal Mexican drug cartel. He even spent some time as a drug mule, ferreting drugs in his anus from Mexico into the United States. As soon as he could, he left that dark world and turned his sights on making things better for people in Chicago, poor people like himself. He had talent. He rose like a rocket—full scholarship to Loyola University, then amazingly enough to Harvard, where he earned a law degree. He thought he could escape his past. He had escaped it. But then I uncovered his little secret. His political career was over.

Axelrod wasn’t mad. He was impressed. He wanted to get me on his team. He took me under his wing. And when a young Illinois senator emerged victorious out of a packed Democratic primary to take on a potentially strong Republican challenger for U.S. Senate in 2004, I was tasked with making the race easier on him.

And so I did. I discovered that the Republican candidate, Jack Ryan, and his wife had a history of attending swingers’ clubs. It wasn’t illegal. But it so embarrassed Ryan that he dropped out of the race — and left it wide open for a then unknown Barack Obama to become the next U.S. senator. The Republican replacement for Ryan, Alan Keyes, was a roadblock to Obama’s chances in the same way a pencil is a suitable defender against Kobe Bryant on the basketball court or the French army was an adequate buffer to German advances during World War II.

When Obama decided to run for president, Axelrod brought me along. When Hillary Clinton dropped out of the presidential primary in June 2008, the media reported it was because she knew she couldn’t win the nomination. But that’s bogus. Bill had already secured the super delegates necessary for her to win if she took the race to the convention. She dropped out because of what I found on her. It turns out that Chelsea is not her and Bill’s daughter at all—but the product of a night of passion between Hillary and the late PLO chairman Yasser Arafat during a trip Hillary took to Beirut in 1979, shortly after Bill became governor of Arkansas.

My loyalty to Team Obama and mastery of the dark art of political chicanery made me a natural choice for a White House role after Obama won the presidency. They wanted me on their side. I was appointed a special assistant to the president, though I mainly worked on special projects behind the scenes, as you shall see.

My long connection to Team Obama makes this book especially difficult because it constitutes a grand act of disloyalty. However, I cannot remain silent knowing what I know, seeing what I’ve seen.

Chapter 2: A New Administration

The earliest days of the Obama White House were, as could be expected, awash with optimism. Fresh-faced interns and junior staff members who had left Hill offices with their idealism still at least somewhat intact roamed the hallways and sent photos home to their parents, posing like JFK with hands in their pockets, or sitting like FDR with a Bic pen jutting jauntily from their lips instead of a cigarette holder. Otherwise they did their best impressions of stern old pros, trying not to smile, world-weary in a chipper way.

And I remember the senior staff, too, before the exhaustion set in. There was Rahm Emanuel, whom we younger guys all admired for his legendary toughness and mischievousness and the air of intelligence he wore as easily as his perfectly tailored suits. He seemed to combine all the best attributes of the Clinton vets and Obama’s Chicago reformers, and when I could work up the courage to look him in the eye and see that glimmer, that sharpness and confidence, it was not impossible to think that, in this White House, the country would be healed.

I met him for the first time at a small gathering during the transition. “Don’t fuck up,” he told me with a half smile. I think there was a mutual affection from the start, or hoped there was at least.

Occasionally I would even see Vice President Joe Biden walking around. “Hey, hey, it’s the kid!” he would say, his fingers cocked like pistols, and slap me on the back. I would blush, and only realize later that he had never learned my name.

There was Robert Gibbs, our press secretary, always playful. Even David Axelrod, whom I would later come to see as a kind of platonic ideal of the disillusioned political consultant, seemed almost boyish in his enthusiasm for what he called—perhaps joking, but only somewhat—“the astonishing accomplishments soon to come.”

The president instituted a pay freeze for the White House staff as he entered office. The detention center at Guantánamo Bay would be closed within in a year, he said, and the Iraq War would be wound down quickly. He signed Lilly Ledbetter and the Recovery Act. The clean energy programs were up and running. Corporate lobbyists were turned away. No-bid contracts were a thing of the past.

I kept thinking: We are the ones we’ve been waiting for.

Obama spent as much time as he could playing basketball with staffers, security, and military guys. “I make my best decisions from mid-court,” he told a group of us just a week after entering office. “Marrying Michelle, running for Senate, running for president—all mid-court.” And we believed him.

It was a glorious time.

A note about the president: He is, as many have said, a keenly intelligent and canny politician, which made some of his actions in those days seem especially bizarre. His decision to return President Bush’s bust of Winston Churchill and replace it with one of Jimmy Carter, for example, made it appear as if the president was actually trying to antagonize both those closest to him and the country at large.

I was at a meeting in the Oval Office when Rahm first saw the Carter bust sitting across from the president’s desk, and his reaction was thirty seconds of nonstop, almost incoherent profanity. It was a rather mesmerizing, almost feral performance that ended with him storming in and out of the room before he tried to just smash the thing, only stopping himself at the last minute. And yet the whole time the president just sat there, smiling, and at one point winking at Valerie Jarrett. I smiled too, assuming the president was just looking to have some fun with his excitable chief of staff.

But deep inside I also knew that there was something more to Obama’s decision to move the bust in. It hinted at a self-destructive undercurrent that seemed to exist within the president—a darkness he was fully aware of and yet unwilling to control. This tendency would become more pronounced in the coming weeks and months, but it was on display, for the first time to my eyes, on that day in the Oval Office.

Rahm returned that evening, along with Axelrod and myself, to formally and calmly explain the implications of having a bust of Jimmy Carter in the Oval Office, and how that would look to visitors. The president, as usual, was sitting alone with Jarrett when we came in.

“You’ll look out of touch and faggy if you keep it there,” Rahm said. “Mitch McConnell will be on the phone with every reporter in Washington telling them how faggy you look with that fucking peanut farmer looking over you.”

The president insisted that Carter was a great man, and that he just needed “more time” to accomplish “his great mission.”

“Listen, a second Carter administration would have been truly momentous,” Obama said. I was actually curious why the president had, seemingly overnight, become so smitten with the generally unloved Carter, but was cut off by Rahm.

“You’re right, Mr. President,” Rahm said. “A second Carter administration would have been momentous. Momentously faggy, at least.”

Rahm looked around to see if anyone was smiling at his quip. Nobody was, and I really wished he would stop using that word. This side of Rahm—the middle school, towel- snapping bully side of Rahm—was far and away his least attractive quality.

“Seriously, though, the Carter tribute is not smart,” he said. “Axe will back me up on this, and so will the oppo guy.”

I nodded. Axelrod shrugged.

“It’s just an unnecessary complication,” Axelrod said. “It will just weird people out, you know?”

Obama and Jarrett made and held eye contact for a good five seconds. Both their faces were blank.

“Fine, we’ll lose the bust,” Obama said. “Oh, and also, we’re going to keep the prison at Gitmo open. Cool?”

Those words, delivered so casually, were my first real indication that the president might turn out to be slightly less than the person we had advertised during the campaign. But it would be much later before I figured out that the president actually had his reasons for making America look bad in the eyes of the world and disappointing his followers, and that keeping Gitmo open was just one small part of that master plan.

Chapter 4: The Assignment

I was out of my house on Capitol Hill by six thirty the next morning. I got by on little sleep those days—the White House is an exciting place to work, after all — and sleeping in really meant leaving any time after six. I had been trying to get in the habit of riding my bike to work. That morning I didn’t even try.

My Metro stop was just a couple of blocks away, right near the Cannon Building on the House side. It was a good place to live for a young up-and-comer, and surprisingly cheap too, a little brownstone apartment that cost me just over a grand a month with utilities. I didn’t have many visitors and the place was always a mess of books and files I should never have left out in the open. The apartment felt safe, near the seat of power of the Capitol, surrounded by lights and the cameras I never saw but knew were there.

Axelrod’s old Chevy Malibu, the one we all made fun of him for never selling, waited just outside my house. I knew it was him before I even recognized the car. He cranked down the window and called for me.

“Small world,” I said, getting in.

“There are a million tribesmen out there who will never meet each other,” he said, giving me a once-over. “But outside the Cannon Building at seven a.m., yeah, it’s a small world. It’s a small world above the squalor.”

“It’s six thirty,” I said. Axelrod had things to tell me. He had that look. I wasn’t sure I wanted to hear them.

“I know guys like you,” he said. “I mean, I know you, obviously, but I also know guys like you. New York. Good family, rich family. Uptown private school. You wore ties and blazers to class.”

Axelrod often looked like a guy who hadn’t bought new clothes since Reagan’s first term. He wore a tweed jacket with a couple of small holes. I wondered if moths ate tweed.

“I went to Stuyvesant,” he said. “I wore camo fatigues to class all junior year. My friends and I would call you guys the Hitler Youth.”

In the nearly seven years I had known Axelrod we had never really had a personal conversation. I’d always found him rather tight-lipped about his own past—his childhood, his parents, his time working at the Tribune in Chicago—even though it was all a matter of public record at this point.

“Stuyvesant’s a good school,” I said. “I had friends who went there.”

“So what?”

“You finally got around to reading my bio,” I said. “Not that impressive.”

“Me reading it, or your bio? Your bio is perfect. You have all the tools and ingredients and connections, the genetic gifts and the things you picked up easily.”

He turned on the radio, some right-wing talk. I recognized the voice but couldn’t instantly put it together with a name.

“Ever listen to Garrett Mueller?” he said. “Excuse me, Doctor Garrett Mueller. God knows what he’s a doctor in, mind you, but that’s what they call him. They replay his show every morning at six a.m. It’s on live at four p.m. And the six a.m. replay is still one of the ten most popular shows in the country. His day-old thoughts, if you can call them that, get more listeners than four of the top five progressive radio shows in the country combined.”

“Can you even name a progressive radio host?” he asked. “I only know that fat piece of shit, what’s his name … Schultz. Ed Schultz. Guy’s a piece of work, I’ll fucking tell ya. I once saw him kick a dog.”

He pulled an unwrapped breath mint out of his jacket pocket and popped it in his mouth. Then he took another out and offered it to me. Something about it disgusted me, the thought of this unwrapped mint rolling around in his moth-ridden jacket, there for years maybe, but still I took it and ate it and chewed it up.

“The really scary part,” he said as he turned up the radio, “is that this replay is popular not because people missed it the first time. It’s that people, the majority of his audience at this hour, are listening to it again.”

Doctor Mueller raised his voice: “The thing is, about this guy, is that we still don’t know who he is. The media never checked him for ticks. Barack Hussein Obama. Who is this guy? Where does he come from, and what does he want?”

Axelrod turned the radio back down to a low hum, background noise.

“Rahm Emanuel is my soul brother,” he said. “I love that cat. Mean bastard, but damaged. He’s doing his best. He could never, you know, offend me in any real sort of way. He doesn’t mean it. And I love him. But this shit he’s in, the shit he’s got you doing with Jarrett — he doesn’t stand a chance. The president is always going to stick with Jarrett. Michelle loves Jarrett like I love Rahm, and the president, God bless him, is a little freaked out by his wife. And that’s okay. You’re not married, but you’ll get there. And even without Michelle, he loves Jarrett, too. Rahm’s a Clinton guy. They’ll never trust a Clinton guy, especially one that goes around shoving his dick in people’s faces.”

“Want to know one weird thing?” he said, looking over at me. “I’ve know them all for like twenty years, and don’t think I’ve ever seen Michelle and Valerie in the same room together.”

I thought I was getting the message, but just to clarify, out of an abundance of caution, I decided to push it a little.

“I said I’d help him out. I don’t know Rahm like you, but I like him. We all like him, kind of, in the way that someone who doesn’t know him likes a man like that.”

“And you said you’d help out Valerie, too,” Axelrod said. “I know guys like you. You make deals between warring chiefs. You do your best work at night, which suits oppo guys. Intelligence and counterintelligence.”

“Mole men looking for moles,” he said, with a reassuring smile, like we were sharing a secret. I wasn’t sure I really got the joke, but did my best impression of a knowing smirk.

“You’re good at what you do,” he said. “You’re smart, able. Good family, wealthy family. I know guys like you. I like guys like you, some of you anyway. You’re finding things. I’m telling you now to bury them, forget them. That’s knowledge that will do you no favors, that stuff with the SDS and the changing names. Can you do that?”

I didn’t hesitate: “Yes.” The word came as a relief I didn’t know I wanted.

“Atta boy,” Axelrod said, smiling and pulling another mint from his breast pocket. “I knew you could.”

He turned up the radio again, and Doctor Mueller was shouting now: ” … or Waco, for example. That’s what they’re planning, folks, but on a much grander scale. Hitler and the Big Lie, remember that. Remember that the next time FEMA …”

He turned it back down.

“People used to believe in saints that smelled like roses months after they died, martyrs whose bodies never decomposed.”

“Like Lenin.”

Axelrod smiled a little. “Sure,” he said. “Like Lenin. But those were myths that reinforced authority. We used to have them, I guess, Manifest Destiny and shit like that. But now we have a peculiar sort of mythology in this country that grew out of hating our leaders, fearing them. Right? I mean, Waco, Roswell, whatever. JFK, MLK, AIDS. John Birch and fluoride in the drinking water. When he left office, you know at least ten percent of this country thought Eisenhower was a communist. Fifteen years ago, you had congressmen shooting pumpkins to prove that Clinton had knocked off his own lawyer. Now, tell me, what chance does Barack Hussein Obama, as Doctor Mueller would say, what chance does he really have in a country like that?”

“I don’t know,” I said. “I guess Marx would say we need new myths. That’s Marx, right?”

“Oh, who the fuck knows,” Axelrod said. “Marx or Mayakovsky or whoever the fuck. Émile Durkheim. My parents knew all this shit. They would talk about it. Drove me nuts as a kid. My kids read this guy, you probably know him, Zizek or something or other, and now they drive me nuts. Same shit, whatever.”

“Small world,” I said.

“The point is,” Axelrod said, visibly straining to get back to whatever it was he was talking about, “the point is, there needs to be a counternarrative. There needs to be something we can point to, something someone can release, like a book, that knocks down all this shit about Barack. A catalog of rebuttals that doesn’t have our fingerprints on it, something that just floats around. Something that grows on its own. A countermyth. Do you get what I mean?”

I told him I wasn’t sure. I had never taken the paranoid stuff about the president seriously, of course. Conspiracy theories just weren’t for me. There was some stuff about John Kennedy’s assassination I found fascinating — the stuff about his affair with Ben Bradlee’s sister-in-law, and that woman’s murder, and how that woman’s diary made its way to the CIA before Bradlee could get to it — but beyond that it never really held my interest.

I thought about my junior-year roommate in college. He smoked too much pot and would talk about Tower 7 and the temperature at which steel melts. He would watch Internet videos all day on the subject instead of going to class. Eventually he dropped out, and we lost touch.

I wondered where he was right now, if he was smoking up in a car somewhere and listening to Doctor Garrett Mueller on the radio.

“Don’t get me wrong,” Axelrod said. “I know Barack wrote Dreams from My Father. That Bill Ayers shit … I watched Barack write that book. I took pictures. He showed me manuscripts. But he also … I know he took liberties. It’s a work of literature, in a way, I guess.”

“Bill Ayers?” I asked. That theory was a new one to me. I didn’t know anyone thought Obama hadn’t written his own book and had instead outsourced it to some radical.

“Oh yeah,” Axelrod said. “Big-time. I mean, for God’s sake kid, there are people out there who think he’s a flesh-eating, shape-shifting space lizard. That the world is run by flesh-eating, shape-shifting space lizards. And what are we supposed to do? Should Robert Gibbs put out a press release reassuring American voters that Barack Obama isn’t a lizard-man?”

It was only then that I noticed that we weren’t driving anywhere near the White House. We were in Virginia, in fact, and for a second I thought, between this unexpected conversation and his general appearance, that maybe Axelrod had snapped.

“Just put together everything you can,” he said. “A catalog of rebuttals. And only show it to me. Now, have you ever been to Arby’s? I know a great one near McLean.”

“Roast beef for breakfast,” he said. “What a concept. What a country.”

Chapter 5: Off to Pakistan

After my talk with Axelrod, I began listening to Doctor Garrett Mueller regularly so I could better understand the conspiracies that were being promulgated about the president. I even became a premium member on his website, The Fire Pit.

I also came to learn that Mueller wasn’t a doctor at all. Not that Mueller made the title up or anything. But Doctor was actually his first name. His audience largely remains in the dark about this little detail.

Mueller was actually a radio shock jock by training. For the first forty years of his life his friends couldn’t recall him saying anything political. They recall him as a shortish, perpetually unserious man who was fond of wearing his favorite FBI T-shirt for days on end. The T-shirt, mind you, didn’t stand for the Federal Bureau of Investigation—it stood for Federal Boob Inspector.

Up until his breakdown, the focus of Mueller’s career was crude radio stunts. But his fast life eventually caught up to him. After a series of arrests for Pee Wee Herman-like indecent exposure incidents at local “movie theaters” and drug-induced fights with homeless people, Mueller checked himself into rehab.

After rehab, he sobered up and reinvented himself. The corny and often grotesque radio handles he used as a DJ for small and medium-size radio markets across the United States—Doctor Demented, Doctor Demonic, Doctor Dildo—were trashed. He was a new man. A political man. A conservative’s conservative.

Though just months before he had been living anything but a conservative lifestyle and had never cracked open a book on conservative thought, Mueller was now preaching to a new audience with authority. The drug addict went to rehab, read a few books, and was suddenly William F. Buckley.

Like all conservative radio hosts, Mueller dreamed about being like Rush Limbaugh. But like the other pretenders, he didn’t have Limbaugh’s natural radio talent, his comic size. Nonetheless, his shtick attracted an audience, especially after President Obama was inaugurated.

Now, live from his bunker in the modern-day “Sodom,” as he called New York City, he was the voice of the most outlandish charges against the president. At least, Mueller’s charges seemed outlandish when I began investigating them.

There were really four main conspiracies that Mueller spewed out on a regular basis. One, President Obama was a secret Muslim. Two, President Obama was a secret Marxist. Three, President Obama was a secret homosexual. And four, President Obama was born in Kenya and therefore constitutionally ineligible to even be president.

Though most of the conservative movement rejected these theories, a sizable and passionate fringe were open to them if not entirely convinced by them. I wasn’t exactly sure why Axelrod was so concerned about them, but it was not for me to reason why. I was just supposed to thoroughly debunk them.

I began to put feelers out from Jakarta to Chicago to Mombasa to Honolulu. As a master of the black arts of opposition research, I had sources all over. And I could work a computer till it screamed—hack my way into obscure data banks, break any code. Did your third cousin once removed pay all his taxes in 1983? I could find out in ten minutes. Some of my sources were ex-CIA, some ex-FBI. But more important than my sources were the sources of my sources.

Soon after I got into high gear I received a strange call from a private number.

“Hello,” I answered.

The voice on the other end was gruff.

“Listen carefully and don’t say a word,” he said. “I heard that you are looking into the president’s past. I know a thing or two about it. I have been researching it for three years. What I know will shock you. If you are truly interested in getting to the bottom of these conspiracies, I can help you. But you need to promise me you are coming into this with an open mind. Can you promise me that?”

“Sorry, I didn’t catch your name,” I said.

“Just call me colonel.”

“Colonel what?”

“That’s not something you need to know.”

“Okay. But you’re an army officer? Can you tell me what branch?”

He paused for a moment.

“I am a retired commander of SEAL Team Seven.”

“SEAL Team Seven? I thought it only goes up to six?”

There was a silence on the other end of the phone. Then laughter.

“You thought the pansy brigade was the highest special force unit America had?” the colonel asked rhetorically.

“Listen here, kid. Let me give you a wake-up call. SEAL Team Seven is so secret that some members of SEAL Team Seven don’t even know they’re in it. Most of the greatest achievements America has ever had are the result of us. The Miracle on Ice in 1980 when America upset the Soviet Union in hockey? That was us. Seinfeld? Our guys wrote it during downtime propping up dictators in the 1990s. More recently, how do you think Paul Krugman achieved popular success or Lincoln Chafee was elected to a position of responsibility? You think shit like that happens on its own? That’s SEAL Team Seven.”

I didn’t get it. “I’m confused,” I replied.

“I know. Trust me. SEAL Team Seven is so far above the comprehension of even the extraordinary that I don’t expect you to get it. But you have to trust me. Meet me in Peshawar in forty-eight hours.”

He hung up the phone. He sounded nuts. But his confidence had a magnetism. Could he be real? Axelrod had secured as much money as I needed to complete my task. I decided to take the risk. I was off to Pakistan.

“Welcome to the Federally Administered Tribal Region of Pakistan,” the colonel said, greeting me in the airport.

He was short, stocky, and sporting a gray beard. If you squinted your eyes you might have thought he was the Most Interesting Man in the World.

“We don’t have a lot of time. Follow me,” he said.

We got in the colonel’s car and he began to weave a tale as he drove.

“In 1979 the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. It inflamed the Muslim world. Jihadists from around the world poured into Peshawar. They would help the Afghan mujahideen liberate their country from the godless invaders. The Arabs among them came to be known as the Arab Afghans. You will have heard of some of them: Osama bin Laden, Ayman al- Zawahiri,” he said with a wry smile.

“They were all here to help facilitate the support for the Afghan campaign.”

After a few minutes, we stopped in front of a run-down compound. The windows were broken, bullet holes riddled the exterior and part of one wall was completely collapsed.

We got out of the car. The colonel continued his soliloquy.

“In the 1980s with the help of Palestinian radical Abdullah Azzam, bin Laden founded the Maktab Khadamat al-Mujahidin al-’Arab, otherwise known as the Afghan Services Bureau. From here, they coordinated Arab fighters for the Afghan jihad. What you are looking at is its headquarters. This is where the Arabs planned their role. This is where the Arab fighters who flowed into Pakistan in transit to Afghanistan stayed. This is where American enemy number one Osama bin Laden lived for much of the 1980s.”

I cut him off. “That’s all interesting, Colonel. But what does this have to do with Obama?”

“I was just about to get there,” he said.

“In 1981, we know Barack Obama traveled to Pakistan. But he never wrote about it in his book. He rarely talks about it, certainly never in detail. What was he doing here?”

The colonel then ushered me forward. He pushed open the door with his shoulder. The air was musty. But it was like we entered a time capsule. It was obvious that very few people, if any, had been in this place in years. And yet it looked as if those who had once resided there just left for a moment. Korans, pictures, and papers were scattered about.

The colonel led me to a corner.

“What Obama was doing here was joining the Afghan jihad. Yes, the politically astute know that Obama visited Pakistan in 1981. What most don’t know is that he spent most of his college vacations here and all his vacations as a community organizer. Barack Hussein Obama joined the Afghan jihad as Osama bin Laden’s American apprentice.”

The colonel then pointed to a picture hanging on the wall. It was of Obama and bin Laden. Obama was sporting the college Afro we often see in pictures from his college days. Bin Laden had his arm around him and they were smiling. As I looked more closely at the other pictures in the compound, there were many more of Obama. There was Obama and bin Laden drinking tea together, giving each other high-fives, holding a dead goat, and wielding shoulder-fired missiles, the kind that ultimately helped the Afghans defeat the Soviets. There was even one where the two were playing what appeared to be a version of pin the tail on the donkey but instead of a pin they seemed to be using a knife and instead of a donkey there was a picture of Salman Rushdie.

“I thought the fatwa on Rushdie was issued in 1989,” I said. “And why would a Sunni outfit like al-Qaida listen to a fatwa from a Shia cleric?”

“Iran and al-Qaida have always had a connection. And blasphemy is blasphemy,” the colonel explained. “As for 1989, it was a jihadi reunion. It was their last time together at the compound, as far as I can tell.”

I looked a little closer at some of the pictures. Besides bin Laden and Obama, a lady was present in many of them. She looked familiar.

“Valerie Jarrett,” the colonel said. “She often traveled with him to the compound. She is said to be the only woman bin Laden ever allowed into the Shura council meetings.”

Before I could process what he said, the colonel then pointed me to a book. Inside were a few pages of Arabic text and then a multitude of signatures. One of them was Obama’s.

“No terrorism expert believes that al-Qaida began earlier than the end of the 1980s as the Afghan jihad was winding down. Many believe it began much later and some don’t think al-Qaida as a formality ever really existed. But they are all wrong. What you are looking at is the founding papers of al-Qaida from 1986. The Arabic text lays out al-Qaida’s principles. Those signing the document were also swearing an oath of allegiance—Bay’ah, in Arabic—to the group’s leader, Sheikh Osama. As you can see, Obama was among them.”

I stood there for a moment taking it all in. I went over to the pictures again and examined them. They looked real. I snuck one of them in my pocket so I could further examine it back in the States.

The colonel then said we ought to leave. He had a flight to Abu Dhabi to catch.

On the drive to the airport, the colonel broke down what it all meant.

“There are limits to what all this information tells us. We know that Obama was a Muslim. I would presume he still is. Is he still a radical? Does he still consider bin Laden his leader? I can’t say. But he certainly did.”

We drove the rest of the way in silence. I’m a pretty hard-nosed guy. In my line of work, you have to be. I had seen some pretty fucked-up skeletons locked deep in the closets of the various candidates I was tasked with destroying. But nothing like this. Nothing.

I just didn’t want to believe what he was showing me. It was too ludicrous. How do you explain what you saw to someone else and not have them think you should be institutionalized? But how could I rationalize the photos away?

When we arrived at the airport, the colonel told me to meet him in Moscow in two weeks.

“We’ve only just begun this journey,” he said.

From THE LIZARD KING by Jamie Weinstein and Will Rahn Copyright © 2012 by Jamie Weinstein and Will Rahn. Reprinted courtesy of Broadside Books, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers.

You can buy the book in many different e-formats at HarperCollins.com, or directly for your Kindle at Amazon.com or for your Nook at BarnesandNoble.com

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