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              In this Friday February 8, 2013, photo, a Free Syrian Army fighters patrols close to the front lines near a main highway in Aleppo, Syria. Syrian rebels brought their fight within a mile of the heart of Damascus on Friday, seizing army checkpoints and cutting a key highway with a row of burning tires as they pressed their campaign for the heavily guarded capital, considered the likely endgame in the nearly 2-year-old civil war. (AP Photo/Abdullah al-Yassin)

Bush deputy national security adviser: Syrian crisis ‘would be even more dangerous’ had Israel not destroyed nuclear reactor in 2007

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Jamie Weinstein
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      Jamie Weinstein

      Jamie Weinstein is Senior Editor of The Daily Caller. His work has appeared in The Weekly Standard, the New York Daily News and The Washington Examiner, among many other publications. He also worked as the Collegiate Network Journalism Fellow at Roll Call Newspaper and is the winner of the 2011 "Funniest Celebrity in Washington" contest. A regular on Fox News and other cable news outlets, Weinstein received a master’s degree in the history of international relations from the London School of Economics in 2009 and a bachelor's degree in history and government from Cornell University in 2006. He is the author of the political satire, "The Lizard King: The Shocking Inside Account of Obama's True Intergalactic Ambitions by an Anonymous White House Staffer."

Elliott Abrams, former deputy national security adviser to President George. W. Bush, says the current turmoil in Syria could have been significantly more dangerous had Israel fallen in line with the Bush administration’s decision not to act militarily against Syria’s covert nuclear program in 2007.

“Israel took out the Syrian reactor in September 2007, five and a half years ago. Had it not done so that reactor would be active, and Syria might have moved forward toward a nuclear weapon — with additional Iranian and North Korean help,” Abrams, author of the recently released book “Tested by Zion: The Bush Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,” told The Daily Caller in an interview.

“After all, the reactor itself was an exact copy of the North Korean reactor at Yongbyan. So in addition to our worries about Syria’s chemical and biological weapons, we would be wondering if there are nuclear weapons, and how to secure a good deal of enriched uranium. The crisis would be even more dangerous.”

In his new book, Abrams, who is currently senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, take readers behind the scenes of the Bush administration’s handling of the surprise discovery in 2007 that Syria was building a nuclear reactor with the help of North Korea.

Israel brought the intelligence to the Bush administration in May of that year. After American intelligence confirmed the information, the Bush administration debated internally over what to do. President Bush ultimately decided not to act military but take the matter to the United Nations — though he left open the possibility of force if diplomacy failed.

Israel, however, thought the risk posed by the secret Syrian nuclear program was too threatening to its security to trust the international community to deal with it, and successfully acted unilaterally to destroy the reactor in September 2007.

In the aftermath of the strike, Israel and American officials remained mum on the operation, hoping that by not boasting about the strike, Syrian dictator Basher al-Assad would be able to save face and not be humiliated into retaliating. The strategy worked.

In fact, “[t]hat strike seems to have made the Syrians more, not less, desirous of talking to the Israelis because it made them afraid of American power,” Abrams writes in the book.

Abrams says there are lessons to be drawn about the Israeli strike on Syria’s nuclear program that pertain to the current debate in Washington over a possible strike against Iran’s nuclear program.

“The lesson I draw is that predictions about an inevitable and gigantic Middle East war if anyone strikes the Iranian nuclear sites are unpersuasive,” Abrams said.

“Syria considered the possible gains and losses from striking back, and did not do so. Iran’s rulers will make the same calculations, and the options it faces ‘the day after’ are not very good. For one thing, the Syrians viewed the attack as a sign of Israeli and American strength, and that scared them; they did not want to respond in any way that might elicit a further attack. Iran might have the same reaction, because an attack would show we are not afraid of them — and might make them more afraid of us.”

But Abrams says he believes “we are some distance away” from when American and Israeli leaders will have to weigh whether a military strike to set back Iran’s nuclear program is necessary.

“Iran does not seem, for now, to be sprinting toward the bomb, because it does not want to force our hand or Israel’s,” he said. “They are moving forward steadily, not rushing. It is possible that 2013 is the year of decision, or that a decision could be put off into 2014.”

See TheDC’s full interview with Abrams about his book, the Middle East and his opposition to defense secretary nominee Chuck Hagel.

 

What will readers get from reading this book?

First, readers will get the inside story of our relations with Israel and the Palestinians for those 8 years [of the Bush administration]. They’ll be at the meetings, from the White House to the foreign ministries and palaces in the Middle East, on the phone calls between President Bush and foreign leaders, and see how our policies really developed. Second, they’ll see how our government really works — The State department, National Security Council, Pentagon, CIA, and how they work together or fail to do so. This is a story, not a textbook, so they will see all of this through moments of crisis, vignettes, and personalities.

What strengths did you observe in George W. Bush’s leadership style? What weaknesses did you observe?

One great strength was Bush’s appreciation that a leader — especially after a crisis like 9/11 — has to show strength, solidity, calm and belief in the country. He cannot show doubt and anguish; he has to keep his staff, his government, and the country believing that he is OK and the country is going to come through this well. His unfailing courtesy and good humor brought his own team through very tough times.

The main weakness I write about in the book is his reliance on a system that very often homogenized the views that were presented to him, instead of presenting disagreements among Cabinet members to him for resolution. Too often when there were disagreements over policy, there were efforts to find a consensus — when it seemed to me he should insist on knowing about the disagreement and why key officials did not see eye to eye.