Why The Saudi-Israeli Alliance Is Permanent

Farid Ghadry President, Reform Party of Syria
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On the surface, the Arab Spring was a litmus test for the Middle East region that confirmed several suspicions some western experts harbored about self-governance in ill-prepared countries. For one, we learned in Egypt that the Muslim Brotherhood is incapable of governing without the backbone of jihad; we also learned that the pursuit of Arab democracy without first ridding the region from terror and fanaticism is a losing proposition.

Furthermore, we learned that chaos is an Iranian trademark mastered by the Mullahs to foster sectarianism. Such is the case in four Arab countries — Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon — all of which today are fighting back, in one form or another, Iranian aggression. Nonetheless, somehow Iranian behavior does not seem to bother President Barack Obama. His Iran Deal pumped $150 billion into the Mullahs’ terror machine to produce an unstoppable juggernaut of violence and mayhem. Ask the president about this issue and he will dodge the question as if unaware of the disturbing consequences his foreign policy is fomenting.

However, little did Obama know that the positive side effect of his defunct foreign policy would unite America’s allies to confront his deeds. For the first time since the founding of the State of Israel and the rise of the al-Saud dynasty, signs are becoming quite clear that an alliance has formed over the last few years between the Arab Gulf Sunnis and the Israeli Jews. Enough to break Obama’s heart to see his pen pal Khamenei face a united front he unintentionally cultivated.

One of those recent signs of rapprochement took place at the Washington Institute for the Middle East when a stage was shared between a former Saudi head of intelligence HRH Prince Turki al-Faisal and retired IDF Maj. General Yaakov Amidror, former national security adviser to prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, to discuss peace and security in the region. What they agreed upon with regard to Iranian hegemonic ambitions and terror threat dwarfed their disagreement over the Palestinian cause. The whole event must have given deputy national security advisor Ben Rhodes an emotional breakdown.

This new Arab cordiality towards Israel began much earlier than many think and it is not strictly reserved to Saudi Arabia. Simon Henderson, a Washington Institute expert on Saudi affairs, wrote an article in September of 2014 he entitled “A Kuwaiti official makes Jerusalem pilgrimage.” The visit by first deputy prime minister and foreign minister Sheikh Sabah al-Khaled al-Sabah was significant although there were no signs that side meetings with Israeli officials were held. Henderson cites that before al-Sabah, no Gulf high officials ever visited Jerusalem.

I believe this Saudi-Israeli alliance will outlast the most pessimistic of predictions. Even when it succeeds to limit or eradicate Iranian terror, both countries have a common interest in watching over the region for any new signs of Arab Spring 2.0 that will open the door, once more, to Muslim extremists. This unpredictable possibility will have an impact on an alliance I believe will become permanent, and may even create the conditions for real peace between the Arab Sunni Gulf countries and Israel.

Obama’s love fest with Iran brought Saudi Arabia and Israel closer together, but the possibility of another Arab Spring, I believe, will cement that alliance on a permanent basis long after Obama is gone and historians shatter his mistakes-ridden legacy into pieces.

Having said that, time will tell if the Palestinian cause may eventually run out of breath as it competes for ink and pixels against the genocidal Mullahs and Arab Spring 2.0. With terror and violence consuming so many Arab countries, the Palestinian cause is burning itself out. If it does, it may yet offer the best possibilities for peace between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.