The White House And Soros-Backed Open Borders Group Strategize About Bribing Immigrants To Naturalize Before 2016

Ian Smith Immigration Reform Law Institute
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Last week, the White House Task Force on New Americans held a briefing at the Soros-funded, pro-open borders Migration Policy Institute to push its new “Strategic Action Plan on Immigrant & Refugee Integration.” The Task Force, which seeks to ramp up naturalization rates among non-citizens, grew out of one of the dozen bombshell memos dropped on the American public after the midterms last year. Although barely discussed, it may be the most important memo released that day, even more so than Obama’s twin amnesty programs and the ‘New Priorities on Deportations’ memo which rewrote the Immigration and Nationality Act.

The new Task Force is chaired by White House Domestic Policy Advisor, Cecilia Munoz and its representatives include almost everyone from Obama’s cabinet. Munoz was previously vice president of the National Council for La Raza (or “the Race” in English), an organization that reportedly encourages illegal aliens and non-citizens to vote, pushes for “Reconquista” of the Southwest, and whose founder once advocated for the mass murdering of white people. Still, the group manages to receive millions of your tax dollars annually.

The initiatives to increase naturalization rates reported in the Action Plan are costly, especially for an agency like DHS (the main agency involved), which apparently doesn’t have the resources to deport illegal aliens. Among other things, the report says DHS will launch a “comprehensive media campaign targeting major media markets in California, New York, Texas, Florida, New Jersey, Illinois, Massachusetts, Virginia, Washington, and Arizona.” It will spend $10 million on a “citizenship preparation program in communities across the country.” Also there are plans to “collaborate with the private sector to promote the importance of citizenship and provide information on the naturalization process.” Perhaps most strikingly, there’s an expansion of USCIS’s fee waiver program for applicants. Paying a fee to become a citizen is “often cited as a barrier,” according to the report. Whether it is or not, this $680 freebie from the Democrats will make new citizen-voters happy.

What’s scarier is the timing of the package. The various programs will come online well in advance of the 2016 elections. According to Rick Oltman, formerly of the Federation for American Immigration Reform, there are 13.8 million legal permanent residents (LPRs) in the country and in the 20 states with the most, there are 14 Senate races in 2016, eight of which are Democrat and six of which are Republican — the latter include former Gang of Eight members, Senators Marco Rubio and John McCain.

We know the true motivation behind the new “Action Plan” because we’ve seen the Democrats do this before. In August 1995, Vice President Al Gore along with then-White House Director of Special Projects Rahm Emanuel created the Citizenship USA program: a plan that, in the words of a former White House aide, sought to “produce 1-million new citizens before Election Day.”

The plan was to create a massive naturalization drive by slashing processing times from 3 years to 6 months, all in the name of efficiency and fixing a “broken” system — the pretexts among the open-borders crowd apparently never change. But if efficiency was the goal, why did the program only apply to key swing states, why did it last only for one year, and why were the naturalization ceremonies accompanied by voter registration drives in venues the size of Soldier Field. As one INS official succinctly put it at the time, the “hard-charging Democrat” Rahm Emanuel, “relaxed rules to naturalize even criminal immigrants and secure their votes for President Clinton ahead of the 1996 presidential election.”

Investigations from Congress and the DOJ Inspector General following the 1996 elections sought to understand why the White House became so interested in the naturalization process, an area traditionally administered by INS bureaucrats and far away field office directors. The IG’s subsequent report addressed the main allegations at the time, namely that “the quality of the naturalization adjudication was compromised during CUSA” and that “these compromises resulted from political pressures engineered by the White House.”

Although the details of the 800-page report were fairly damning, the acting IG at the time apparently attempted to neuter some of his findings (although this was partly because Emanuel refused to give evidence), concluding that “the propriety of the motivations behind [the White House’s] involvement [was] a political question” and therefore “beyond the scope of the OIG’s inquiry.” He still concluded, however, that his office “found several pieces of evidence showing that the White House was aware of and interested in the connection between naturalization, voting, and the 1996 election.” Communications between White House and Democratic Party operatives certainly backed this up. Emails and memos between the two included statements such as “faster naturalization means more potential Democratic voters in the next election.”

As for INS officials who spoke out after the report’s release, they recounted how Emanuel “took midnight trips to INS headquarters to meet with [then-Commissioner Doris] Meissner.” Meissner wrote the infamous “prosecutorial discretion” memo which purported to tell ICE agents that the INA’s deportation provisions were not mandatory (they are). She now heads up the organization that hosted Ms. Munoz’s gathering last week.

Although some INS and DOJ officials said they were wary of the White House’s plans, they ordered the streamlining process to take place anyway. As a result, according to a congressional investigation, “[a]pplicant criminal history checks were poorly administered” and, “FBI arrest records that were being sent to the Chicago INS office simply were not being inserted into the aliens’ files… aliens with criminal records were being granted citizenship” (emphasis added).

Clinton’s involvement was also clear. One memo between White House staff about push-back from some INS officials sparked the following in capital letters: “THE PRESIDENT IS SICK OF THIS AND WANTS ACTION.” That Clinton sought to re-engineer the demographics of the country in order to consolidate political power shouldn’t be surprising. The first act of his administration was the voter-fraud enabling and Cloward-Piven inspired National Voter Registration Act, a law which forces social service agencies such as welfare offices to offer voter registration forms to recipients. President George H.W. Bush had vetoed a similar bill during his administration, saying such a law would expose “the election process to an unacceptable risk of fraud and corruption.”

Then there was the speech Clinton made in Oregon where he marveled at the idea of whites in America becoming a minority. Clinton’s close friend from across the pond, Britain’s former Labor leader Tony Blair, politicized immigration more directly: by ramping it up in order to dilute the predominantly white Tory vote.

In the presidential election that followed the investigations, George W. Bush reportedly refused to make CUSA an electoral issue. By calling out Al Gore for what it was, a program of conservative disenfranchisement, he may not have lost the popular vote by over ahalf million votes. The current slate of presidential candidates (and their consultants) should take note: the American people care enormously about vote dilution and the demographic engineering that disenfranchises them. By pointing out the depths of the other side’s cynicism, the 2016 GOP candidate wouldn’t just win the swing states honestly, they’d win them easily.