William Pitt the Elder, former Prime Minister and First Earl of Chatham, was held in very high esteem among British American Colonists and revolutionaries. Pitt, the elder statesmen and one of the key voices for the repeal of the 1766 Stamp Act, proposed a compromise devolution measure in Parliament known as the Provisional Act in 1775. In doing so, he aimed to preserve the First British Empire through concessions to the American colonies in exchange for recognition of parliamentary supremacy.
The proposed Act devolved power to the Continental Congress for revenue collection and protected colonial taxation and judicial interests, preserving for Parliament legislative power in areas “beyond the competency of the local representative of a distinct collony.” Ultimately, however, the Act was defeated in the House of Lords and Lord Frederick North’s government took repressive rather than conciliatory measures.
Lord North, like current Prime Minister David Cameron, was a deeply patriotic leader with strong nationalistic tendencies, and the legacy of both as stewards of the realm will in large part be defined by their ability to manage an independence crisis of a dissatisfied subordinate body of the United Kingdom.
The most recent British parliamentary elections have given Mr. Cameron and the Tory government a clear majority in Parliament and a mandate to legislate. However, according to the New York Times, North of England, Scotland has become “essentially a one-party state,” giving “56 of Scotland’s 59 seats, and “a strong voice in Westminster” to the Scottish National Party, an organization strongly in favor of increased Scottish independence from the United Kingdom — “[i]n essence, England and Scotland are today not one nation but two, each dominated by a single party.” In 2014, Scottish independence failed referendum by a narrow margin, 55-45.
Mr. Cameron appears to be learning from the mistakes of history and Lord North. He has stated on behalf of his government that “[i]n Scotland, our plans are to create the strongest devolved government anywhere in the world, with important powers over taxation.” Indeed, he wants to carry out this endeavor of devolution “as fast as possible.”
Following the vote for independence, Mr. Cameron announced the Smith Commission to give recommendations for a plan for devolution in Scotland and voting on these is expected to take place following this recent round of parliamentary elections with the support of Labour and the Liberal Democrats. The recommendations, however, were described as “not so much the home rule that was promised — in so many respects, it’s continued Westminster rule,” by Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon. In fact, a clear majority of Scotts find the Smith Commission devolution plan insufficient to satisfy their desire for local governance.
Additionally, whether devolution itself will be sufficient to satisfy Scottish interests is up for debate. Devolution differs from federalism in that the devolved bodies are not ultimately sovereign. Ultimate sovereignty does not rest with the London Assembly or Scottish parliament, but supremely rests in Parliament and can be rescinded (as American Colonists in Massachusetts learned). Mayor Boris Johnson, a leader in Mr. Cameron’s own Conservative Party, has voiced support for a plan for a federal United Kingdom.
Interestingly, the parallels between 1776 and 2015 extend into the financial realm as well. In the wake of the Seven Years War, or the French and Indian War, the Crown passed the oppressive tax acts in order to offset the incredible expensive of defending the colonies, which ended up spurring revolutionary sentiment. Today, the nation of Scotland receives significant national subsidies from North Sea oil revenues to offset the cost of its welfare state, and independence would complicate their relationship with the EU. Thus, as it was in 1776, the English public is less likely to favor granting more independence to subordinate bodies.
Like Lord North, Mr. Cameron’s legacy will largely be defined with how events pan out between Scotland and England — one is just as likely to want to be the prime minister who oversees the breakup of the United Kingdom as one is to want to be the prime minister who oversaw the breakup of the First British Empire. Hopefully, Mr. Cameron will take the route of William Pitt, and move forward with an appropriate devolution compromise, satisfying all interests involved as best as possible, and will do so as expeditiously as promised.