On Tuesday, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case of Fisher v. University of Texas, a new challenge to the use of affirmative action in university admission policies. The case, which will be argued in October, may finally end the racially based admission policies that universities have used for decades to achieve “diversity” in their student bodies. Diversity, as used by university officials, is neither conceptually coherent enough nor constitutionally compelling enough to justify explicit racial classification.
The court last heard a case challenging a university’s admission criteria in 2003, when two cases challenging admissions at the University of Michigan — one for undergraduates and one for the law school — were decided differently. The undergraduate case, Gratz v. Bollinger, ruled as unconstitutional a point-based system of admissions preference, which added 20 points to the applications of underrepresented minorities (100 points were needed for guaranteed admission). The law school case, Grutter v. Bollinger, upheld as constitutional the policy of considering race as a holistic “plus” in admissions. Both cases were decided at the same time by the same court. Apparently, not putting a definite point-value on race was the key difference.
Both Gratz and Grutter rightly treated the affirmative action policies as explicit racial classifications that had to pass exacting scrutiny in order to ensure that government officials were not perniciously classifying based on race. This use of “strict scrutiny” guards against racial classifications that are not necessary to achieve a compelling governmental goal. Thus, the holistic racial “plus” in Grutter was approved by the court because it was needed to further “the educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body.”
Fisher will likely revisit the “diversity” rationale used in Grutter. The case is further complicated by Texas’s “top ten percent law,” which requires the University of Texas to accept any student who finished in the top ten percent of a Texas high school. This racially neutral law has increased the enrollment of all races, backgrounds, and opinions to unprecedented levels. Yet despite the effectiveness of this law at promoting true diversity, the University of Texas still uses a system of racial preference to promote “diversity” as it defines the term.
The concept of diversity has been given too much air over the years and too little substance. It has been a mantra for the left, and an object of scorn for the right. But before we adopt diversity either as a worthwhile goal, as the Supreme Court did, or as an illegitimate imposition of elitist left-wing ideals, perhaps we should define the term.
This is surprisingly difficult. Diversity, as used by university officials and the Supreme Court in Grutter, is an ideal that treats people as members of a group first and as individuals second. It is explicitly and offensively racial, insofar as it regards any member of a group as a sufficient placeholder for any other.
This would be bad enough if the groups that concern diversiphiles even made sense. But they don’t. The category of “Asian,” for example, may include Indians, Pakistanis, Japanese-Americans, Cambodians, Chinese, and Koreans, just to name a few. These groups come from wildly different religions, languages, and cultural traditions. Some even hate each other. Nevertheless, American universities will group them into a nice little package. Similarly, the category of “Hispanic” is equally un-illuminating, describing anything from a Puerto Rican, to an Italian-Argentinian, to a Mexican of European descent.