The Daily Caller

The Daily Caller
              FILE - This Feb. 11, 2009 file photo shows a shopper looking over the milk aisle at the Hunger Mountain Co-op in Montpelier, Vt. Approval of a massive farm bill _ and the cost of a gallon of milk _ could hinge on a proposed new dairy program the House is expected to vote on this week.   (AP Photo/Toby Talbot, File)

To pass farm bill, GOP leadership needs to allow serious cuts to farm programs

Photo of Lori Sanders
Lori Sanders
Policy Analyst, R Street Institute

Hands are wringing all over Capitol Hill now that the House farm bill failed to pass. Much ink will be spilled trying to figure out how and why the vote failed. After House Speaker John Boehner neglected to bring the farm bill to the floor at all last year, most assumed he had learned his lesson.

The strategy was simple: make sufficient cuts (particularly to the SNAP side to the bill) to gather tea party votes; allow a handful of meaningful amendments to be debated; and then strong-arm the caucus to avoid any potential deal-breakers for farm state Republicans.

But the speaker and his friends may have underestimated the appetite for reform on the agriculture side of the bill. Many conservative amendments seeking to scale back farm programs were left out of floor debate and several more that had a chance of passing were withdrawn at the eleventh hour. In the end, 62 Republican members defected from the final bill. If just 20 had changed their votes, the bill would have crossed the finish line.

To gauge Republican interest in agriculture cuts, four amendments that received roll call votes stand out. One from Rep. Bob Goodlatte (R-VA) took steps to return the U.S. dairy industry to something like a free market. It passed with the support of the speaker, garnering the support of 196 Republicans, 60 of which voted against the final bill.

An amendment from Rep. Joe Pitts (R-PA) proposing market-oriented changes to the federal sugar program didn’t fare as well. It failed, but did attract the votes of 137 Republicans, 53 of which later voted against the bill.

A successful amendment from Rep. Jeff Fortenberry (R-NE) capped commodity payments at $250,000. This would be expected to be a much harder vote for Republicans, given that commodity crops disproportionately come from GOP-leaning districts. Yet 97 voted for the change, 47 of which voted against final passage.

Finally, the hardest vote by far was for an amendment by Reps. Ron Kind (D-WI) and Tom Petri (R-WI) which tackled five separate parts of the crop insurance program. It instituted a means-test for premiums subsidies at $250,000; established a subsidy limit of $50,000 per-year per-individual; shrank the pot of money to pay insurance agent commissions; reduced crop insurers’ promised rates of return; and made the identities of premium subsidy recipients transparent.

The Kind-Petri amendment would save close to $11 billion, but it was a tough pill for many agriculture districts to swallow. The amendment failed, but it did manage to find support from 74 Republicans, 39 of which deserted the final bill.

There were 32 Republicans who voted for all four of these amendments and then against the final bill. The irony is that the Kind-Petri amendment had originally been offered in its separate components. Breaking it up would have made the various sections more likely to pass, since members are affected by the provisions in different ways. Would some of those 32 Republicans who voted for all four of the amendments have voted for the final bill if just a couple portions of Kind-Petri had gotten through?