Conservatives everywhere are yelping with whiplash, aghast at watching Donald Trump cozy up to “Chuck and Nancy,” the president’s sobriquets for liberal Senate minority leader Schumer and liberal’s liberal House minority leader Pelosi. That’s right, it’s not “Foolish Chuck” and “Silly Nancy.”
David Benkof | All Articles
In a typical spasm of anti-Trump hyperbole, yesterday’s New York Times ran a front-page article decrying the ways administration bureaucrats are rolling back progressive social policies in the areas of guns, abortion, birth control, religious liberty, and sanctuary cities.
“Ppl may die and airlines are charging $1500 for one way tickets to escape #IrmaHurricane. Shameful price gouging.”
Is Donald Trump crazy?
President Trump’s decision, leaked yesterday, to end protection for illegal immigrants brought as children may end the American dreams of the so-called Dreamers, but it doesn’t have to. The U.S. government can subject those young men and women to deportation along with other illegals – while adding one caveat. Dreamers whose parents voluntarily leave the United States get to stay.
A popular explanation for the shocking Trump phenomenon points to the rise of “white identity politics” among the many disaffected Americans who supported him, even against their economic interests. And, indeed, Republicans who saw race as marginal to their identity overwhelmingly didn’t vote for Trump, whereas those who saw it as essential overwhelmingly did.
As President Trump’s troubles mount, the long-standing expectation that Democrats will gain several House and Senate seats in 2018 has only intensified. At this point, many observers are expecting a bloodbath – and they’re right. But for structural, historical, and intangible reasons, expect the bloodbath to be for Democrats as the GOP further expands its dominance in both houses of Congress.
Last week’s announcement by the ACLU that it will no longer defend unpopular speech by heavily armed groups wasn’t just a betrayal of its historic mission. The group is a private non-profit organization, so it can choose its cases at will. But Americans trust the ACLU to articulate what the Constitution means, and when it claimed that the First Amendment itself doesn’t protect such groups, it betrayed the American people.
Count me out of the rush to praise the CEOs protesting President Trump’s equivocation about last weekend’s racist march by quitting the administration’s American Manufacturing Council. They weren’t working for the president’s re-election campaign; they were working for the American government and thus the American people. Expressing moral outrage at the chief executive by calling it quits wasn’t courageous; it was unpatriotic.
Many of the president’s opponents are celebrating a silver lining they see in this week’s racial ugliness: that Donald Trump’s supposed longstanding alliance with avowed racists is finally on full display. What they “knew all along” Is now explicit, they think, so it will be easier to bring this infernal presidency to an end.
It’s the biggest LGBT story you’re not following. It may be the biggest story you’re not following.
President Donald Trump’s announcement today of a total ban on transgender military service was wrong. But given the longstanding (and often successful) LGBT strategy of incrementalism and hyper-defensiveness, his move was unsurprising and perhaps inevitable.
Many LGBT people who run in leftie circles were pleased with last month’s ejection of women carrying Star of David pride flags from Chicago’s Dyke March. Seeing the “intersectionality” between lesbian equality and Palestinian rights, they didn’t want any hint of support for Israel at their event, even if only vaguely via symbols carried by Jewish women.
Going into next week’s consideration of a bill restricting transgender bathroom use, Texas Republicans are split. Social conservatives tend to support it, hoping to push back against liberal overreach, particularly regarding sexuality and gender. Moderates oppose it, fearing the effects of an economic backlash like the one suffered by North Carolina when it passed a similar bill.
Rejection by religious institutions has been a major source of pain for LGBT people. Increasingly empowered by social and political change, the gay-rights movement has been settling old scores by using government power to punish their old antagonists who dare hold fast to traditionally religious ideas about sexuality. Without a First Amendment, LGBT activists overseas have had the most success, but troubling signs suggest danger for traditionally religious Americans, too.
Liberals are crowing over the Pew poll results released Monday showing that a majority of Republicans think colleges have a negative impact on the nation. The data, they think, affirms their belief that conservatism and ignorance are pretty much the same thing. I mean, how could anyone be against college?
This week, Jewish Democrats hurdled toward irrelevance as a force in American politics, and they don’t even know it yet.
That our rights come from God is deeply etched in the American consciousness. It is emblazoned in the document we celebrate tomorrow, which famously Declares that all men “are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.” Though present-day conservatives champion the belief more often, it was a credo for liberal icons like Martin Luther King Jr. (“Man has rights that are neither conferred by nor derived from the state, they are God-given”) and John F. Kennedy (“the essentially Christian and American principle that there are certain rights held by every man which no government and no majority, however powerful, can deny”).
Soon after the Supreme Court’s gay marriage decision two years ago, the battleground shriveled down to the sideshow of bakers and florists trying to duck gay weddings. The LGBT community has nearly unanimously rejected religious-liberty and free-expression arguments as smokescreens for noxious discrimination. But now that the Court is set to settle the matter next year, let’s take a step back and ask whether this battle is worth our energy – and whether we’re even on the right side.