Regularly receiving the back of the liberal media’s hand, conservatives also receive their backhanded compliment. Unable to rehabilitate the left, liberal media must seek to debilitate the right. So unsuccessful have they been, they see their effort against conservatives is not just one of enmity, but necessity.
J.T. Young | All Articles
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J.T. Young is a writer whose pieces have been featured in Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, Investors’ Business Daily, Chicago Tribune, San Francisco Chronicle, Cleveland Plain Dealer, Washington Times, Roll Call, and The Hill—and distributed by Hearst, Knight-Ridder, and Scripps-Howard. He has worked in the U.S. House of Representatives, the U.S. Senate, Department of Treasury, and the Office of Management and Budget. He has authored numerous speeches and articles for many Washington figures including Senators, Members of Congress, and the Secretary of the Treasury.
Rather than celebrate their recent Alabama Senate upset, Democrats should worry about Trump’s approaching economic reset. An already growing economy, soon to be bolstered by tax reform, could deliver Trump a potent political opportunity. Not only must this concern Democrats, but also that they may be inadvertently increasing that opportunity.
Despite the left’s deification of diversity, they reject its most important area: thought. Without variety in human beings’ defining trait, diversity’s other manifestations are rendered facile. Yet the left’s rejection is not just a current characteristic, but a constant. Just as thought defines human beings, a rejection of diversity in thought defines the left.
Republicans’ effort to replace ObamaCare died not on the battlefield, but in their war councils. It is the consummate tale of too many chiefs and not enough Indians. Simply, had the Republican tribe fought, instead of talked, they would have won. Failing to bring victory, their nine-month ObamaCare ordeal hopefully brought Republicans insight for future fights.
Despite Trump's unprecedented vilification, it is unclear another Republican president would be treated differently. History hardly shows Republicans -- either holding or seeking the White House -- have received favorable mainstream media treatment. And this looks unlikely to change. Any Republican currently winning the presidency must likely follow some of the same course Trump took and mainstream media despise.
Republican attempts to bridge Obamacare strikingly resembles The Bridge on the River Kwai. At their essence, both involve personal struggles eclipsing larger ones. For Republicans, the difficulties are unquestioned, but greatest is one of perspective by many aspiring leaders. Having lost perspective, they endanger the larger endeavor. Until they regain it, bridging Obamacare appears insurmountable.
America is living in the anti-‘60s. The anti-establishment left of five decades ago is now America's cultural establishment. Over their cultural empire, the left exercise a dictatorial control far stronger than the forces they once protested, and even more at odds with principles they once professed and hypocritically still claim to hold.
From 1964 to 1980, conservatism went from American politics' nadir to its apex. The road from Goldwater to Reagan is under-appreciated as a political journey, and even more for the ideological earthquake it was. During this decade and a half, America's majority shifted their perception of the government's role and efficacy, leaving an ideological dichotomy that continues to grow.
Few incoming presidents have needed a strong economy as much as Trump does. Trump took office lacking an overwhelming mandate or high public favorability. His good news is that no issue buoys a president like a strong economy and he is well-positioned for one.
Trump's social media mastery offers history's greatest presidential opportunity to circumvent the media. On his political odyssey, Trump has been nothing short of an explorer, a Columbus insisting the world was round and that he could reach his goal by undiscovered routes. Now that he has arrived, do not expect him to abandon what helped get him there.
For anyone who doubted, the election's aftermath only confirms its outcome. Opposition hypocrisy and media partiality, combined with reality contradicting the dire warnings of his victory, have produced an unintended effect in favor Trump. Those seeking to undermine the election’s outcome have instead raised Trump's stature, while reducing theirs to caricature.
The tales of Trump's disgruntled opponents fall into two groups: the pathetic and the apoplectic.
Ironically, while Obama’s tech-savvy campaign helped elect him, Hillary’s tech problems threaten hers. The one-two punches of an outside group's release of more emails and the FBI’s release of notes from its year-long investigation of Clinton’s State Department private emails confirm this issue is not going away before the election. It remains so dangerous to her candidacy because it is so publicly understandable and so damningly revealing.
Deplorable as Clinton's race-based attacks on Trump are, her political weaknesses make them predictable. Unable to increase her support, her best hope is to reduce Trump quickly. Clinton's biggest danger is Trump gaining traction at the end of this race – just as he did in the Republican primaries – while the public's rejection of her undermines her ability to stop him.
Democrats need Clinton to win resoundingly or not at all. The reasons are many but boil down to one: their current near-term advantage pales in comparison to the longer-term threat from a Hillary presidency. While each party always wants to win big in a presidential race, this one's particular circumstances mean Democrats need to.
As Clinton stumbles at the primaries’ conclusion, the economy is stumbling in 2016's beginning. Clinton is increasingly trapped between her campaign's and the economy's underperformance. Desperately needing Obama's legacy to fix her own unpopularity, she must somehow avoid that legacy's weakest link.
As America’s economy has weakened, its political spectrum has widened. This year's presidential election shows its furthest expansion yet. Without a release of economic pressure, America’s historically “cool” politics can be expected to grow hotter still.
Populism is writing the first chapter of Obama’s legacy. Following a two-term president, the next election is a verdict on his performance. However, this election’s dominant political headline is not Obama, but populism. Although this seems a dramatic departure, both parties’ simultaneous populist surges originate with Obama and the nation’s negative appraisal of his administration.
In the last decade, America's economy has stumbled and cannot regain its footing. Simultaneously, in the last decade the federal government has been larger than in any decade of the previous 60 years. America appears to have entered not just a new norm of smaller growth, but also one of bigger government.